Epic Knowledge and Wisdom

Abstract About most of the propre names of Firdowsi’s Shahnama one can find numerous information in previous literature, especially in Namenbücher and entries of encyclopaedias. We know the origin of many of these names, but we do not always know, or previous scholars have not shown with precision, in what way and through which changes these names reached the Arabic and Persian texts, in our cases Shahnama. Garsīvaz and Afrās(i)yāb are among these names. Although their origin in the Avesta is known, it is not known why they occur in these forms in the Shahnama and/or some other Farsi, Pahlavi and Arabic texts. In this paper, the author tries to collect and analyze the different forms of these two names in Pahlavi, Farsi, and Arabic texts and investigate the causes of their phonetic changes to finally find out why the names Garsīvaz and Afrās(i)yāb reached the Shahnama in these to not totally natural forms.

Abstract More than a thousand years have passed since Rudaki, the great Persian poet, rendered Kalila and Dimna into verse during the Samanid era. Unfortunately, only a small number of scattered verses from this invaluable work have survived. The remnants of this poetic adaptation exist as dispersed verses recorded in various literary and historical texts, as well as poetic lexicons. Based on this limited corpus of surviving verses, alongside weak contextual clues and uncertain hypotheses, some scholars—and before them, an Orientalist—have suggested that Rudaki versified only a portion of Kalila and Dimna.

The present study seeks to critically examine this claim and, by drawing on available sources and evidence, argue that Rudaki in fact rendered the entire Kalila and Dimna into verse. Furthermore, this study highlights the high regard in which Rudaki was held for this remarkable achievement in his time, as well as the widespread fame he attained throughout the Persian-speaking world of that era due to his poetic rendition of this esteemed text.

Abstract This article tries to take a quick look at Ferdowsi's narrative from the beginning of the Sassanids to the end of Bahram III's reign and its values and shortcomings by using historical sources and Sasanian studies. Ardashir's narrative is detailed and legendary due to his power, legitimacy, territorial integrity, the union of religion and the state, his founding, and the necessity of genealogy and transmission.Shapur I was a policy consolidator and has a relative importance, but it has faded under the shadow of his father and Shapur II. Hormazd I and Bahram have the least number of narrations in national traditions. The shortness of the kingdom, the namesake of several Hormazds, the namesake of sevral Bahrams and the mixing of data, the lack of interesting narratives and the presence of Shapur II after them are the reasons for this lack of importance. In these sections, the Shahnameh has detailed sermons, admonitions, and commandments, most of which have been deleted. These sections are rich in Iranshahri political philosophy and ethics. In general, the narrative of Shahnameh is a historical narrative with idealistic, moral, heroic and literary attitudes, but Ferdowsi's trustworthiness and transmission of historical and narrative data have increased the historical and narrative value of the text.

Abstract The guilt of Fereydun, one of the greatest Pishdadi kings, is mentioned in Mainyō-ī Khard and the Pahlavi narrative alongside Jamshid and Keykavus, although there is no indication of his guilt in the Shahnameh. In this essay, after criticizing the previous views on this matter, two hypotheses about Fereydun's sin have been proposed: one is considering that the Vedic counterpart of Zahhak, Vishurupa, a three-headed, three-faced and six-eyed dragon, in the Mahabharata, is a devout and religious Brahman who continuously recites the Vedas with one head, and Indra, fearing that he might take his place among the gods, kills him and because of this sin, loses the dominion of the sky and his strength decreases, it could be that Fereydon's sin is also connected with killing Zahhak; who is also a worshiper in disguise of Mardas and also vowed and sacrificed to Anahita and Wayo, still has signs of his Brahminism and religion in the Shahnameh. On the other hand, considering that Indra's other sin, is the seduction of Ilya/Ahlia, a Brahmin woman named Gautmahnam, and as a result of this sin, Indra loses all his beauty and it is transferred to two Nasitiyas, it is not unlikely that Feridun's other sin was kidnapping two Brahmin women. A matter that has been elegantly depicted following the fundamental Post- Zoroastrian transformations.

Abstract No revolutionary movement in Iranian Late Antiquity has attracted as much attention as the fascinating and enigmatic Mazdakite uprising of the late fifth century. The scholarly consensus about these has it that 1) they engaged in ibāḥat al-nisā, sharing of wives; 2) advocated the sharing of property and 3) that their past time was wine imbibing and merrymaking. I shall argue here that, as Shaki correctly suspected but did not pursue the topic, the description of the Mazdakite in our primary sources (the Letter of Tansar, Ibn Qutayba, Ṭabarī, Dīnkard, Shahrestānī), actually follows the praxis of the ʿayyārs, chivalrous men and women who practiced celibacy, lived together in communes of men and women, usually in underground cities, and drank wine as part of their sacral ritual. The detractors of the Mazdakites heaped on these accusations that distorted their realities, realities that on a populist level, and in times of crisis of the late fifth century might have in fact devolved into a distortion of the praxis of genuine Mithraists as well. That they continued, appropriate to their praxis, in the form of Khurramdīn movements is also part of their story. That they were launched as collaborators of the Parthian Mehrānids (notice the name), against the Parthian Kārenids who were suffocating the young Kavād during the last decade of the fifth century is also part of their fascinating history.

Abstract Various theories have been proposed regarding the differences between the two mythical dynasties of the Pishdādians and the Kayanids, as well as the reasons for their separation. At first glance, given the genealogical connection between the Kayanid and Pishdādian kings, such a division may appear redundant. Even those Iranian mythologists who argue that the Kayanid kings were less endowed with mythical attributes compared to the Pishdādian rulers have, in practice, acknowledged that most Kayanid kings do indeed possess mythical qualities, and thus have failed to present conclusive evidence to support their claim. It seems that the primary reason for the distinction between these two groups of Iranian mythical kings lies in their differing roles: the Pishdādian kings independently embodied both the functions of kingship and heroism, whereas the Kayanid rulers retained the function of kingship for themselves and delegated the heroic function to champions such as Garshāsp, Zāl, and Rostam.

Abstract Ferdowsi's Shahnameh is replete with overt and covert mythological themes that have either vanished or undergone significant transformations, rendering their comprehension a complex endeavor requiring contemplation and, at times, recourse to informal cultural domains. The Shahnameh employs artistic forms and literary devices, such as metaphors, allusions, and symbols, to convey certain themes, beliefs, and associated customs. Consequently, limiting these expressions to their artistic context hinders a deeper understanding of their underlying meanings. The term "بچۀ دیو" (child of the demon), employed to describe Zaal's unusual birth and subsequent rejection, exemplifies such expressions. This study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, employing content analysis to unravel the hidden meanings and mythological beliefs associated with the concept of "بچۀ دیو". The findings suggest that the perception of Zaal as an evil entity stemmed from the belief that he was either switched with his doppelganger or that Ahriman, the embodiment of evil, had a hand in his birth. Consequently, he was ostracized from society to either eliminate him or, through a complex and symbolic process, allow the true Zaal to reclaim his rightful place and return to society, thereby safeguarding the nation and lineage from the harm of demonic and malevolent forces.