Zahhāk and Ashoka (A Reflection of Ashoka's Kingship in the Story of Zahhāk)

Pages 5-26

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2026.99784.1065

hamidreza ardestani rostami

Abstract Here's a condensed version (240 words):
Zahhāk and Ashoka
(A Reflection of Ashoka's Kingship in the Story of Zahhāk)
Abstract
Zahhāk (Aži Dahāka) is among the most complex figures in Iranian mythology and Persian epic literature, consistently symbolizing wickedness, false religion, and injustice. He appears to embody many negative traits of rulers in Iranian history or associated with Iranian culture, causing his character to absorb layers from various mythological and historical figures. Scholars have accordingly identified him with the Avestan Aži Dahāka, the Vedic Viśvarūpa, the Median Deioces and Astyages, the Mesopotamian Tiamat, Kingu, Nergal, and Ningishzida, the Greek Gorgon, the Armenian Artavazd, Loki, and others—supporting the claim that few figures so thoroughly intertwine the history and mythology of East and West. Building on these comparisons, the author proposes parallels between Zahhāk and Ashoka, a king of India's Mauryan dynasty, suggesting both figures may be traced to Scythian origins settling in India. Both have ascetic fathers (Merdās and Chandragupta) whose rule they seize and end; both are renowned for bloodthirstiness and ruthlessness yet remain popular despite their tyranny; both rely on highly trusted deputies (Kondrow and Kumāra) during absences from their realms; and both propagate an Indian religious tradition (idol-worship/Buddhism). After great cruelty, Ashoka turns to religion and service to his people—a trait absent in Zahhāk but present in his nephew or grandson, Kush the Elephant-Toothed, whose character thus more closely resembles Ashoka's.

The Social Activism of Women in the Shāhnāmeh as a Model for Transforming the Social Status of Iranian Women, 1906–1948

Pages 27-44

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2026.99787.1068

Abstract Employing a documentary method and a descriptive-analytical approach, the present study seeks to examine which narratives of social activism among the women of the Shāhnāmeh were drawn upon to critique social behavior concerning women, from the Constitutional period (1906) to the first decade of the second Pahlavi era. It further asks which women of the Shāhnāmeh, and what forms of behavior, were presented as models for transforming the social status of Iranian women. An examination of women's writings and the women's press during this period reveals that, in the Constitutional era, only three periodicals—Habl al-Matin (1906), Iran-e Now (1909), and Nāmeh-ye Bānovān (1920)—established a connection between social critique, women's issues, and the social activism of the Shāhnāmeh's women. In the Pahlavi era, among the women's press, the periodical Bidāri-ye Mā (1944–1948), adopting a Marxist approach, devoted the greatest attention to the women of the Shāhnāmeh. By narrating the social activism of several of the Shāhnāmeh's women—such as Rudabeh, Tahmineh, and Farangis—it sought to present a perspective that moved beyond the binary of love and social action in the depiction of women within Iran's historical heritage, drawing on Ferdowsi's Shāhnāmeh, and thereby to introduce the social activism of the Shāhnāmeh's women as social models.

Comparative Analysis of the Character of Jahi in the Bundahishn and Arnavāz in the Shahnameh: (Explaining the Role of the Dark‑Natured Woman (Peri) in Iranian Thought and Narratives)

Pages 45-61

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2026.95382.1061

Sheida Ghasemi Firoozabadi, Abolghasem Esmailpour Motlagh, Ahmad Khatami

Abstract The breadth and antiquity of Iranian mythological traditions have made it difficult to uncover their underlying mythic structures, causing some interpretations to remain confined to the narrative surface or to moral evaluations. Consequently, understanding the logic governing the actions of mythic characters requires a mythological and structuralist analysis. Adopting a comparative approach, this study examines the figures of Jehikā in the Bundahišn and Arnavāz in the Shāhnāmeh—two characters who, at first glance, appear fundamentally different, one embodying a demonic nature and the other an Ahuric one. The findings demonstrate that, despite this apparent contrast, Jehikā and Arnavāz represent manifestations of a shared and ancient mythological pattern. Within this pattern, the dark-natured woman (peri) awakens a dormant demonic force, thereby precipitating an assault upon the Ahuric world and the death of the primordial beings. Subsequently, however, through her love for a luminous male figure, she severs her ties with the forces of darkness and aligns herself with the powers of light, thus contributing to the eventual defeat of evil. This union not only facilitates the transfer of political authority but also releases fertility and prosperity into the world, although it ultimately culminates in a tragic fate for either the male protagonist or the offspring born from the union. By elucidating the common deep structure underlying these two narratives, this study highlights the active and decisive role of the dark-natured woman in the dynamics of darkness and light, the transmission of power, and the continuation of creation within the Iranian worldview.

"سخن هرچه گویی سراینده ام" (An Etymological Justification of the Meanings of "Sorāyandeh" in Ferdowsi's Shāhnāmeh)

Pages 63-73

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2026.99788.1069

Changiz Mowlaee

Abstract According to Wolff's concordance, the word sorāyandeh appears eighteen times in Ferdowsi's Shāhnāmeh, employed in the following senses: (1) "speaker; narrator, storyteller; poet, versifier"; and (2) "messenger, envoy, courier." A close examination of these verses, however, reveals that in a number of instances, the word sorāyandeh is intended in neither of these established senses. Rather, based on contextual evidence and linguistic considerations, it can be established with confidence that in certain occurrences within the Shāhnāmeh, this word is used in the sense of "obedient, submissive" (i.e., one who obeys or complies). Some scholars have assumed that the use of sorāyandeh in the sense of "obedient, submissive" suggests that the word's original meaning was something akin to "one who repeats whatever is said to him." This justification, however, lacks scholarly grounding and is essentially based on a folk etymology. The present article offers an etymological justification for the use of sorāyandeh in the aforementioned senses. Evidence from Old and Middle Iranian texts demonstrates that the root sru-, originally meaning "to hear," possessed a broad semantic range, one component of which was "to obey; to be compliant."

The construction of the network of sequences in the plot of "Bijan and Manijhe" Shahnameh Based on TzvetanTodorov’s narratology pattern

Pages 75-92

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2026.93942.1052

Fariba Mehri, Mehyar Alavi Moghaddam, Hasan Delbri

Abstract One of the most important components of the criticism of a story in Todorov's narrative pattern is its sequence, and one of the most functional effective factors is the systematic coherence of this sequence network. The purpose of this article is to investigate the network of sequences in the story of Bijan and Manizhe and to analyze the effectiveness of this structured network in persuading the audience based on the pattern of the plot based on Todorov's narrative theory. The fundamental problem of this article, which the authors are trying to achieve, is to investigate and analyze the extent and how to use the efficient element of sequences and create an intertwined network and at the same time, the structure of sequence in the organization of this Shahnameh story. In this regard, the main body of the upcoming article is a brief recognition of Todorov's narratology pattern, relying on the knowledge of sequence and analysis and investigation of this effective element in the plot of Bijan and Manijeh. The authors’ method in this research is reading the story and structural analysis of its plot based on Todorov's cognitive narrative pattern.The achievement of this research is that based on the actions, propositions and the logical course of the events of the story, the plot and the network of developments, as expected from a poet like Hakim Ferdowsi and his skill in storytelling, is completely structured and with a pattern Todorov's structuralism is consistent in constructing the syntax of the story.

A Morphological Study of the Eskandarnāmeh as a Literary Genre (Based on Nezāmi's Eskandarnāmeh and Its Imitations)

Pages 93-104

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2026.99785.1066

Abstract Eskandarnāmehs are prose and verse works in Persian literature that recount the story of Alexander of Macedon (356–323 BCE), also known as Alexander/Eskandar Dhū al-Qarnayn. The first independent verse Eskandarnāmeh was composed by Nezāmi Ganjavi (1141–1209 CE) in two parts titled Sharafnāmeh and Eqbālnāmeh. Following him, numerous poets composed Eskandarnāmehs in imitation of Nezāmi's work. The existence of multiple poems bearing the title "Eskandarnāmeh" or similar names, according to the definition of literary genre as "a group of texts bounded by structural, thematic, and/or functional criteria," indicates the presence of a distinct genre in Persian literature known as the Eskandarnāmeh. Based on this definition, an examination of these works can reveal their shared structure, constituting the structural framework of the Eskandarnāmeh genre. This article aims to identify the structure of verse Eskandarnāmehs based on Nezāmi's Eskandarnāmeh and three of its imitations: Amir Khosrow's Āyeneh-ye Eskandari, Jāmi's Kheradnāmeh-ye Eskandari, and Abdi Beg Navidi's Āyin-e Eskandari. Since Eskandarnāmehs are considered narrative literary works, this study employs Propp's morphological method, one of the most effective approaches for identifying the structure of narrative literary genres. Through a morphological analysis of the four verse Eskandarnāmehs, we conclude that the Eskandarnāmeh, as a subgenre of the "heroic epic" (manzumeh-ye pahlavāni), is structurally a narrative comprising ten functions (the hero's emergence, the helper's action, the acquisition of power, the hero's departure and return, the villain's emergence and destruction, the adventure, and the hero's fate) and three character types (the hero, the helper, and the villain).

On the name of Garsivaz and Afrasyab in Farsi and Pahlavi

Volume 1, Issue 1, Spring 2024, Pages 99-112

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2024.84616.1010

Abstract About most of the propre names of Firdowsi’s Shahnama one can find numerous information in previous literature, especially in Namenbücher and entries of encyclopaedias. We know the origin of many of these names, but we do not always know, or previous scholars have not shown with precision, in what way and through which changes these names reached the Arabic and Persian texts, in our cases Shahnama. Garsīvaz and Afrās(i)yāb are among these names. Although their origin in the Avesta is known, it is not known why they occur in these forms in the Shahnama and/or some other Farsi, Pahlavi and Arabic texts. In this paper, the author tries to collect and analyze the different forms of these two names in Pahlavi, Farsi, and Arabic texts and investigate the causes of their phonetic changes to finally find out why the names Garsīvaz and Afrās(i)yāb reached the Shahnama in these to not totally natural forms.

Rudaki and Kalila and Dimna

Volume 1, Issue 3, Autumn 2024, Pages 37-52

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2025.92569.1043

Abstract More than a thousand years have passed since Rudaki, the great Persian poet, rendered Kalila and Dimna into verse during the Samanid era. Unfortunately, only a small number of scattered verses from this invaluable work have survived. The remnants of this poetic adaptation exist as dispersed verses recorded in various literary and historical texts, as well as poetic lexicons. Based on this limited corpus of surviving verses, alongside weak contextual clues and uncertain hypotheses, some scholars—and before them, an Orientalist—have suggested that Rudaki versified only a portion of Kalila and Dimna.

The present study seeks to critically examine this claim and, by drawing on available sources and evidence, argue that Rudaki in fact rendered the entire Kalila and Dimna into verse. Furthermore, this study highlights the high regard in which Rudaki was held for this remarkable achievement in his time, as well as the widespread fame he attained throughout the Persian-speaking world of that era due to his poetic rendition of this esteemed text.

The beginning of the Sassanids in Shahnameh; from Ardashir to Bahram III

Volume 1, Issue 2, Summer 2024, Pages 27-44

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2024.86387.1018

Abstract This article tries to take a quick look at Ferdowsi's narrative from the beginning of the Sassanids to the end of Bahram III's reign and its values and shortcomings by using historical sources and Sasanian studies. Ardashir's narrative is detailed and legendary due to his power, legitimacy, territorial integrity, the union of religion and the state, his founding, and the necessity of genealogy and transmission.Shapur I was a policy consolidator and has a relative importance, but it has faded under the shadow of his father and Shapur II. Hormazd I and Bahram have the least number of narrations in national traditions. The shortness of the kingdom, the namesake of several Hormazds, the namesake of sevral Bahrams and the mixing of data, the lack of interesting narratives and the presence of Shapur II after them are the reasons for this lack of importance. In these sections, the Shahnameh has detailed sermons, admonitions, and commandments, most of which have been deleted. These sections are rich in Iranshahri political philosophy and ethics. In general, the narrative of Shahnameh is a historical narrative with idealistic, moral, heroic and literary attitudes, but Ferdowsi's trustworthiness and transmission of historical and narrative data have increased the historical and narrative value of the text.

Considerations about the nature of Fereydoun's sin

Volume 1, Issue 1, Spring 2024, Pages 71-98

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2024.83656.1007

mahmoud rezaei dasht arzhaneh

Abstract The guilt of Fereydun, one of the greatest Pishdadi kings, is mentioned in Mainyō-ī Khard and the Pahlavi narrative alongside Jamshid and Keykavus, although there is no indication of his guilt in the Shahnameh. In this essay, after criticizing the previous views on this matter, two hypotheses about Fereydun's sin have been proposed: one is considering that the Vedic counterpart of Zahhak, Vishurupa, a three-headed, three-faced and six-eyed dragon, in the Mahabharata, is a devout and religious Brahman who continuously recites the Vedas with one head, and Indra, fearing that he might take his place among the gods, kills him and because of this sin, loses the dominion of the sky and his strength decreases, it could be that Fereydon's sin is also connected with killing Zahhak; who is also a worshiper in disguise of Mardas and also vowed and sacrificed to Anahita and Wayo, still has signs of his Brahminism and religion in the Shahnameh. On the other hand, considering that Indra's other sin, is the seduction of Ilya/Ahlia, a Brahmin woman named Gautmahnam, and as a result of this sin, Indra loses all his beauty and it is transferred to two Nasitiyas, it is not unlikely that Feridun's other sin was kidnapping two Brahmin women. A matter that has been elegantly depicted following the fundamental Post- Zoroastrian transformations.

The Mazdakites, the ʿAyyārs and the Mithraists

Volume 1, Issue 1, Spring 2024, Pages 113-133

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2024.85566.1016

Abstract No revolutionary movement in Iranian Late Antiquity has attracted as much attention as the fascinating and enigmatic Mazdakite uprising of the late fifth century. The scholarly consensus about these has it that 1) they engaged in ibāḥat al-nisā, sharing of wives; 2) advocated the sharing of property and 3) that their past time was wine imbibing and merrymaking. I shall argue here that, as Shaki correctly suspected but did not pursue the topic, the description of the Mazdakite in our primary sources (the Letter of Tansar, Ibn Qutayba, Ṭabarī, Dīnkard, Shahrestānī), actually follows the praxis of the ʿayyārs, chivalrous men and women who practiced celibacy, lived together in communes of men and women, usually in underground cities, and drank wine as part of their sacral ritual. The detractors of the Mazdakites heaped on these accusations that distorted their realities, realities that on a populist level, and in times of crisis of the late fifth century might have in fact devolved into a distortion of the praxis of genuine Mithraists as well. That they continued, appropriate to their praxis, in the form of Khurramdīn movements is also part of their story. That they were launched as collaborators of the Parthian Mehrānids (notice the name), against the Parthian Kārenids who were suffocating the young Kavād during the last decade of the fifth century is also part of their fascinating history.

On the Distinction Between the Two Mythical Dynasties of Iran

Volume 1, Issue 3, Autumn 2024, Pages 97-106

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2025.93648.1050

Abstract Various theories have been proposed regarding the differences between the two mythical dynasties of the Pishdādians and the Kayanids, as well as the reasons for their separation. At first glance, given the genealogical connection between the Kayanid and Pishdādian kings, such a division may appear redundant. Even those Iranian mythologists who argue that the Kayanid kings were less endowed with mythical attributes compared to the Pishdādian rulers have, in practice, acknowledged that most Kayanid kings do indeed possess mythical qualities, and thus have failed to present conclusive evidence to support their claim. It seems that the primary reason for the distinction between these two groups of Iranian mythical kings lies in their differing roles: the Pishdādian kings independently embodied both the functions of kingship and heroism, whereas the Kayanid rulers retained the function of kingship for themselves and delegated the heroic function to champions such as Garshāsp, Zāl, and Rostam.

Further explanations regarding the hemistich "نخستین فکرت، پسین شمار" in the prologue of the Shahnameh.

Volume 1, Issue 3, Autumn 2024, Pages 5-20

https://doi.org/10.22067/jmels.2025.89882.1035

Abstract In this well-known verse from the prologue of the Shahnameh, regarding the stature of humankind, "نخستینت فکرت، پسینت شمار/ تو مر خویشتن را به بازی مدار" (based on the edition of Khaleqi-Motlagh), the first hemistich should be edited as "نخستین فکرت، پسین شمار" rather than "نخستین فطرت، پسین شمار" or other variations, for several reasons and supporting evidence:
1. According to the rule, "Which variant can be transformed into the other?", "نخستین فکرت" could easily transform into "نخستین فطرت," but the reverse is far less likely; 2. The variant "نخستین فکرت" appears in earlier manuscripts of the Shahnameh; 3. The earliest recorded instance linking the hemistich "نخستین فکرت پسین شمار" to the phrase " اوّلُ الفکرِ آخرُ العمل" is found in Mullah Hossein Wa'ez Kashifi’s Lubb al-Lubab Masnavi.4. Important secondary sources, such as Ikhtiyarat-e Shahnameh, early manuscripts of Fara’id al-Suluk, and the manuscript of 689 AH of Tabserat al-Muhtadi wa Tazkerat al-Montaha, support this reading.5. The manuscript of the Shahnameh used by Nezami Ganjavi likely contained the same variant, "نخستین فکرت پسین شمار.”6. Both before and after Ferdowsi, philosophers and writers have drawn attention to the relationship between "اوّلُ الفکرِ آخرُ العمل" and the nature of humanity and its creation. The meaning of "نخستین فکرت پسین شمار" is as follows: O human, you are the first being that God considered in the act of creation, yet in the order and process of creation, you were brought into existence last.

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